Dry air, steam baths, variegated rodents, lean white men dressing like it's 1929: I'm loving Banff. Super brainy conversations with excellent scholars and artists: plus, now I know how to act when encountering a Grizzly Bear (play dead) and how to act when locking eyes with a Black Bear (make eye contact, then look down; slowly slip away, Lot-style). Shoe-gazing mathematicians roaming around, and a jazz festival to boot. Really excited to give a talk tomorrow.
Wednesday, May 28, 2014
Banff!
Dry air, steam baths, variegated rodents, lean white men dressing like it's 1929: I'm loving Banff. Super brainy conversations with excellent scholars and artists: plus, now I know how to act when encountering a Grizzly Bear (play dead) and how to act when locking eyes with a Black Bear (make eye contact, then look down; slowly slip away, Lot-style). Shoe-gazing mathematicians roaming around, and a jazz festival to boot. Really excited to give a talk tomorrow.
Tuesday, May 20, 2014
Friday, May 9, 2014
Travel Fantasy! Extática lectura de BAR en la Feria deli Libro de BA
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Saturday, April 26, 2014
#NaovaiterCopa
by Pola Oloixarac for the NYT International
BRASILIA– “I'm sorry Neymar, I won't cheer for you this time” is an unexpected song to hear in a soccer-crazed country about to play host to the biggest sports tournament in the world. Neymar is Brazil’s reigning soccer god, the home team is one of the favorites to win the coming World Cup and its five championships are the most of any country. In the caustic style reminiscent of Musica Popular Brasileira during the dictatorship, these lyrics by Edu Krieger reflect widespread discontent in the lead-up to the first match, less than two months away.
“Não vai ter Copa” (we will stop the Cup) is the rallying call for protesters, who have been in the streets regularly since last June. These days, Brazilians are more likely to be caught up in protests against sweeping corruption and wasteful spending than in the renewal of national rivalries that come up every four years. Billions in public money are being spent on stadiums unlikely to be used after the Cup, while the state neglects investments like a new train station for São Paulo.
“During Carnival, every block burst into ‘Não vai ter copa.’ It was the music of the Carnival,” said João Paulo Cuenca, 35, a writer and filmmaker from Rio de Janeiro. The mood that accompanies the tournament every four years is sour this time around. “Every World Cup, Rio gets filled with painted streets, competing with each other. Now, it’s like the Copa didn’t exist.”
Soccer is the strongest socializing bond in Brazilian life so it’s not surprising that the World Cup has become a catalyst to express discontent. The signs of corruption abound: stadium construction projects wildly over budget, scant infrastructure improvements and poor public services.
In a country without a strong tradition of political engagement, people may not follow the news, but everybody reads the sports section. There they learn, for example, that the Mane Garrincha National Stadium in Brasilia, which was demolished and rebuilt, cost 17 times more than estimated by FIFA, the World Cup’s governing soccer association. There are reports that the stadium roof still leaks and that the government is diverting money meant for other projects to solve the problem.
Since this is an election year, the World Cup is shining a spotlight on the Worker’s Party, which has been in power for 12 years. After two terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and four years of his protégée, Dilma Rousseff, Brazil has become the world’s eighth-largest economy. Showing off lavish new projects to an international audience was one reason Brazil courted the tournament; holding a successful Cup is a test the Worker’s Party is desperate to pass.
The higher expectations of the population are another challenge for the party. The social programs fostered by Lula have turned 40 million poor Brazilians into consumers, the new “C” class, and they and the traditional middle class are asking for better health care and education. But Rio de Janeiro has become one of the most expensive cities in the world, and average Brazilians feel they are paying too much for too little. There is the sense that the World Cup is not for them. “Copa pra quem?” (Whose Cup is it?) is another protest slogan.
The World Cup also coincides with the 50th anniversary of Brazil’s coup d’état, a sensitive topic for President Rousseff, who was jailed and tortured during the dictatorship. The excesses of that military past are echoed in the pacification steps in poor neighborhoods in advance of the World Cup. What began as an effort to uproot the drug cartels in the shantytowns has grown into a repressive occupying force, backed up by tanks. Tens of thousands of families have been evicted, and many people feel they have been pushed aside to make the Cup a success.
Bruno Torturra, a 35-year-old journalist from São Paulo, has founded Media Ninja, an organization devoted to covering the protests and police and gang violence overlooked by most media. “People recall the day when the army confiscated our rights in 1964, and on that very day national troops stormed Complexo da Maré and brutalized the poor,” he said. Now, he added, “people are being literally tortured and killed.”
Videos of tanks sharing the narrow streets with children and girls being kicked to the ground by the military police are making the rounds in social media under the hashtag #NaovaiterCopa. There are worries that the repression will worsen. FIFA is pushing for what’s called the “Copa law,” allowing any protester to be treated as a terrorist, jailed without trial.
This authoritarian approach is copying other Latin American governments, raising concerns about individual rights. A law criminalizing protest is being considered in Argentina, and the protests in Venezuela have been marked by police brutality and the jailing of students on terrorism charges. Today’s left-leaning leaders show an alarming willingness to adopt the brutal techniques of the old right.
When the protests began, President Rousseff, who faces re-election in October, pointed out that they were a sign of an improved and changing Brazil; these days, people do think they deserve better.
With quintessential Latin American panache, President Rousseff has resorted to the ultimate populist move: She knows that if Brazil wins the Cup, all will be forgotten. In the end, it’s all up to Neymar and the soccer fans.
BRASILIA– “I'm sorry Neymar, I won't cheer for you this time” is an unexpected song to hear in a soccer-crazed country about to play host to the biggest sports tournament in the world. Neymar is Brazil’s reigning soccer god, the home team is one of the favorites to win the coming World Cup and its five championships are the most of any country. In the caustic style reminiscent of Musica Popular Brasileira during the dictatorship, these lyrics by Edu Krieger reflect widespread discontent in the lead-up to the first match, less than two months away.
“Não vai ter Copa” (we will stop the Cup) is the rallying call for protesters, who have been in the streets regularly since last June. These days, Brazilians are more likely to be caught up in protests against sweeping corruption and wasteful spending than in the renewal of national rivalries that come up every four years. Billions in public money are being spent on stadiums unlikely to be used after the Cup, while the state neglects investments like a new train station for São Paulo.
“During Carnival, every block burst into ‘Não vai ter copa.’ It was the music of the Carnival,” said João Paulo Cuenca, 35, a writer and filmmaker from Rio de Janeiro. The mood that accompanies the tournament every four years is sour this time around. “Every World Cup, Rio gets filled with painted streets, competing with each other. Now, it’s like the Copa didn’t exist.”
Soccer is the strongest socializing bond in Brazilian life so it’s not surprising that the World Cup has become a catalyst to express discontent. The signs of corruption abound: stadium construction projects wildly over budget, scant infrastructure improvements and poor public services.
In a country without a strong tradition of political engagement, people may not follow the news, but everybody reads the sports section. There they learn, for example, that the Mane Garrincha National Stadium in Brasilia, which was demolished and rebuilt, cost 17 times more than estimated by FIFA, the World Cup’s governing soccer association. There are reports that the stadium roof still leaks and that the government is diverting money meant for other projects to solve the problem.
Since this is an election year, the World Cup is shining a spotlight on the Worker’s Party, which has been in power for 12 years. After two terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and four years of his protégée, Dilma Rousseff, Brazil has become the world’s eighth-largest economy. Showing off lavish new projects to an international audience was one reason Brazil courted the tournament; holding a successful Cup is a test the Worker’s Party is desperate to pass.
The higher expectations of the population are another challenge for the party. The social programs fostered by Lula have turned 40 million poor Brazilians into consumers, the new “C” class, and they and the traditional middle class are asking for better health care and education. But Rio de Janeiro has become one of the most expensive cities in the world, and average Brazilians feel they are paying too much for too little. There is the sense that the World Cup is not for them. “Copa pra quem?” (Whose Cup is it?) is another protest slogan.
The World Cup also coincides with the 50th anniversary of Brazil’s coup d’état, a sensitive topic for President Rousseff, who was jailed and tortured during the dictatorship. The excesses of that military past are echoed in the pacification steps in poor neighborhoods in advance of the World Cup. What began as an effort to uproot the drug cartels in the shantytowns has grown into a repressive occupying force, backed up by tanks. Tens of thousands of families have been evicted, and many people feel they have been pushed aside to make the Cup a success.
Bruno Torturra, a 35-year-old journalist from São Paulo, has founded Media Ninja, an organization devoted to covering the protests and police and gang violence overlooked by most media. “People recall the day when the army confiscated our rights in 1964, and on that very day national troops stormed Complexo da Maré and brutalized the poor,” he said. Now, he added, “people are being literally tortured and killed.”
Videos of tanks sharing the narrow streets with children and girls being kicked to the ground by the military police are making the rounds in social media under the hashtag #NaovaiterCopa. There are worries that the repression will worsen. FIFA is pushing for what’s called the “Copa law,” allowing any protester to be treated as a terrorist, jailed without trial.
This authoritarian approach is copying other Latin American governments, raising concerns about individual rights. A law criminalizing protest is being considered in Argentina, and the protests in Venezuela have been marked by police brutality and the jailing of students on terrorism charges. Today’s left-leaning leaders show an alarming willingness to adopt the brutal techniques of the old right.
When the protests began, President Rousseff, who faces re-election in October, pointed out that they were a sign of an improved and changing Brazil; these days, people do think they deserve better.
With quintessential Latin American panache, President Rousseff has resorted to the ultimate populist move: She knows that if Brazil wins the Cup, all will be forgotten. In the end, it’s all up to Neymar and the soccer fans.
Saturday, March 22, 2014
Soirée de honor argentina en París
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por Pola Oloixarac para Revista Eñie
La ensayista Beatriz Sarlo
llegó puntual, de rigurosas perlas japonesas, con una falda de tajo tanguero
que dejaba entrever sus ya legendarias piernas. Ricardo Piglia sorteó las
distinguidas multitudes engalanado en un trois
pièces, el look intacto que hacía furor durante sus magnos días de Puán. Cual
Justin Timberlake plateado, Ricardo tomó ágil posesión de la silla y comenzó a
firmar sus libros pacientemente, inquiriendo el nombre de cada lectora con un
parpadeo gentil.
Aconcagua humano entre los
stands, Alberto Laiseca era de suyo un espectáculo impar. La eminencia de
Camilo Aldao cruzó con lenta majestad los pasillos del Salon mientras los niños se arremolinaban a su paso, atraídos y fascinados ante su
presencia sobrenatural (la littérature,
c’est ça). A unos metros de la estela que dejaba Lai caminaba distraído César Aira, la mirada distante en
lo alto como un Napoleón miope que escruta la batalla en lontananza, los estandartes
editoriales multiplicándose infinitos, conversando con su amigo el mago-poeta Arturo
Carrera.
En la cena de gala Martín Caparrós
se encontraba en su elemento profundo. Departía con una copa de Pouilly-Fumé en
mano y degustaba la exquisita combinación del foie aux truffes con su propio francés añejado, que domina como
pocos. Ya ubicados en la amplia mesa circular, enjoyada de escarapelas, el
bigote de Caparrós y el del Turco Asís generaban un extraño mandala.
En otra mesa Sylvia Molloy
conversaba muy animada con Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, que se había delineado los
ojos muy punk, y Ariel Schettini, que consultaba una misteriosa app en su teléfono que le decía cuántas
personas (¿lectores, escritores?) había dicho la palabra frenchkissing esa noche. No se veía por ningún lado a Mariana
Enríquez; su espíritu darkie (nunca
emo) la había llevado a pasear por el cementerio Père Lachaise. Daniel Link
llegó un poco más tarde: su conferencia sobre Copi, la supernova exiliada cuyas
obras siempre están en cartel en alguna parte de Francia (toda drag tiene su Evita) lo había ralentado
en las medianías de Paris Huit. Al llegar desplegó su abanico mientras
recobraba el aliento, e intentó desviar la atención de la prensa francesa, en
vano; vencido por la insistencia, comentó que sí, entre sus condiciones de
contratación había exigido viajar con su gata Tita Merello y la gata no habría
asimilado “el agua tan dura de Paris” dado que es “artera a su aristocracia
intestinal”, a lo que agregó “perdón pero me tengo que ir”. Para entonces, un
deportivo Martin Kohan ya se había retirado a sus aposentos; no es fobia, expliqué
entonces, súbita vocera de la biopolítica especializada: es una técnica
depurada para evitar los paparazzi. Por
suerte Alan Pauls clavó los talones de sus Nike azules y recibió con aplomo el
impacto de las fans.
Pero la pompa máxima fue
cuando entró en escena Edgardo Cozarinsky –mistérico, con unos antifaces negros
que exorbitaban sus ojos cerúleos. Todos elevaron su copa hacia Edgardo, que
intentó zafarse de su destino de divo de la noche pero los franceses, con buen tino,
lo escoltaron a su sitial para que no pudiera escapar. La noche estalló en
aplausos; “nadie como él ha sabido unir el refinamiento de la alta cultura argentina
con el arrabal”, comentó Josefina Ludmer, de estricto negro y diamantes. A la
par del Salon habían organizado una muestra de los primeros documentales de
Edgardo, una máquina mágica que permitía a los parisinos entrar y salir de Buenos
Aires. “París está transfigurada. Al fin caemos en la cuenta de que, caminando
por París, uno siempre es un fantasma entrando o saliendo de Buenos Aires”,
comentaban los visitantes locales.
A la hora de los quesos, algunos
se fueron al Flore (tan obvio) o al Deux Magots (l’horreur). Siguiendo a Edgardo que, como buen porteño, es un parisino
de fuste, los autores caminaron por el Sena iluminado en lo que debió ser una
de las noches más bellas del mundo. Por el río oscuro se deslizaba una pequeña
embarcación con guirnaldas de lucecitas de Fogwill; el que comandaba el timón
era el hermano de Fog, marino, y su hija Vera.
En suma, París era una
fiesta, y no en el sentido Hemingway o Vila-Matoso del término. O quizás ya no
era París: era Roma o Bizancio, y nosotros los godos.
Un estrépito los distrajo
de la maravilla. Había siseos, gritos; no se entendía bien. No era francés; tampoco
era el terciopelo de las gargantas argénteas.
“¡Es un debate que nos debemos como
sociedad!”, “¡Hay que abrir el debate!” (bis)
El misterio cacofónico se
disipó rápidamente: ¡era un generador automático de frases de Ricardo Forster!
Un trineo de fabricación nacional, con partes chinas pero ensamblado en Tierra
de Fuego, lo venía empujando entre los pasillos del Salon; como se habían
olvidado de apagarlo, el muñeco generador automático de frases de Ricardo Forster
había continuado camino por las callecitas de París. “Déjenlo, ya le va a tocar
cruzar la Île Saint-Louis”, dijo Edgardo, su voz ronca de malevo abisal, que ya
preparaba una de sus bombas ninjas para desaparecer sin dejar rastros. Todos
guardaron un silencio educado lo que duró la proclama del muñeco, que venía sin
traducción al francés (color local) y cuya estela de humo terminó devorada por
el runrún de la noche.
El muñeco generador
automático de frases de Ricardo Forster era bastante gracioso y de vanguardia tecnológica
para la industria del cotillón, pero no era nada comparado a lo que vendría. De
lejos parecía una comparsa, pero no era carnaval; tampoco se trataba de emular actitudes
brasileras, en tanto el asunto revestía un delicado cariz nacional. Se venía un
ser gordísimo (“la Cultura es un asunto muy UOM”, comentó Ariel Schettini, sin
dejar de chequear su app), como el Hombre
Malvavisco de los Cazafantasmas pero con la cabeza enorme de alguien que no había
leído nadie pero que… ¡era Ernesto Laclau! Aullaba:
“¡Significante Vacío! ¡Significante
Vacío!”, su probóscide subía y bajaba como el Pájaro Loco.
Rodrigo Fresán y Cecilia
Szperling se miraron incrédulos; Luisa Valenzuela acarició al loro azul sobre
su hombro, tranquilizándolo. “Cómo les gusta Lacan a los argentinos, es
surreal. Para mí es el tipo que meaba borracho el palier de mi edificio cuando
niño”, comentó el escritor Thibault de Montaigu, que después de ser vecino de Jacques
se mudó a Buenos Aires pero había optado por París para no perderse la fête.
¿A qué venía ese alboroto?
¿Trajeron piquetes, Moyanos, paros docentes, para sumar más color local? Alguien
susurró: No, no, es todo una perfo, por
“Casa Tomada”, de Cortázar Julio. Es la perfo
oficial.
Empezaba la puesta en
escena de “Eva Perón” de Copi por una drag
de lustrosa peluca caoba y cartera Louis Vuitton.
Etiquetas:
artikel,
CIA (campo intelectual argentino),
martin kohan,
reina Beatriz
Monday, February 17, 2014
Thursday, January 16, 2014
Sunday, November 3, 2013
Argentina's Fading Diva
by Pola Oloixarac for The New York Times
BUENOS AIRES — After a decade in the public eye, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner has started to fade in her starring role as Argentina’s diva. With her party’s loss of key districts in the midterm Congressional elections, her dream of re-election in 2015 for a third term as president — “Eternal Cristina,” as her acolytes say — comes to an end. But she will not go away without putting up a fight.
After her party, the Front for Victory, performed poorly in the primary elections in August, Ms. Kirchner set about to recapture the public imagination, though her administration was flooded with bad news: inflation is unofficially at 20 percent to 25 percent, public debt is swelling while central bank reserves are falling, and a growing discontent has created factions inside the party, which until now had behaved under the whip of “la Señora.”
Ms. Kirchner needed to stir the lingering ashes of her romance with the people, who had rewarded her with 54 percent of the vote just two years ago.
She gave a rare interview to a celebrity journalist, a baron of the yellow tabloids. She dropped nine kilograms. She switched from skirts to black leggings, updating the widow’s uniform she adopted after her husband, Néstor, died in 2010. Internet memes featuring Ms. Kirchner as Catwoman made the rounds in social media.
Suddenly, the comeback froze. Her bespectacled face was seen, for the first time without makeup, in a dark car entering a hospital. It was as if the pop star of the movement were entering rehab.
Ms. Kirchner needed brain surgery to remove a blood clot in early October; it was reported that she had fallen and hit her head. The circumstances of the fall remained mysterious, but doctors prescribed a 30-day rest period. Without her leading the charge, her candidates seemed adrift.
The campaign was surrounded by scandal. A hidden camera showed a Congressional candidate, Juan Cabandié, trying to get out of a traffic ticket by arguing that he was a son of desaparecidos (the disappeared, victims of the 1976-1983 dictatorship, resurrected as moral bishops in the Kirchner board of virtue). A 22-year-old transit officer lost her job, but was rehired after the public outcry. The episode exposed an abusive political caste.
Protective of her political legacy, Ms. Kirchner was careful in delaying the choice of her dauphin. She overlooked high-profile candidates such as Daniel Scioli, governor of the mighty province of Buenos Aires, whose stoicism in the face of the humiliations he suffers at her whims makes him a possible 2015 loyalist successor.
As for her vice president, Amado Boudou, corruption scandals have made him persona non grata. Mr. Boudou goes every day to the presidential palace, the Pink House, but he no longer has Ms. Kirchner’s ear. “The only thing he can handle is a motorbike,” said Congressman Felipe Solá, referring to the acting president’s hobby. Mr. Solá is part of the Peronist “renewal” faction aligned with Sergio Massa, Ms. Kirchner’s former cabinet chief, an up-and-comer who has promised to pursue a market-friendly economic approach. Mr. Massa was the darling of the recent election, winning roughly 44 percent of the vote.
Argentina recently negotiated a loan with the World Bank for $3 billion, which would give Ms. Kirchner’s administration some breathing room. “Under these conditions of inflation, with no anti-inflation plan and such low reserves, it would be a miracle if she makes it to 2015,” said Pablo Schiaffino, an economist who lives in Buenos Aires. “It’s like a car running out of gas.”
When she was first elected, Ms. Kirchner told the country: “We deserve a new story for ourselves.” She delivered on that. Since 2008, she has woven a dramatic story line infused with villains, éminences grises and corporate powers seeking to dethrone her. With postmodernist swag, the narrative flew free from accountable issues: recently, after a train crashed in the Once Station, the government announced that it was taking over the railroads. The Peronist party had nationalized them in the 1940s, and privatized them in the 1990s. The party’s position swings to the left and to the right, but the train cars are the same as in the 1940s.
Ms. Kirchner aspires to go into history as Argentina’s biggest reformer, and some of the legislation passed on her watch supports her case, including the Universal Child Allowance (a stipend for poor families), gay marriage laws and more money for scientific research and university education. She could try to position herself as the leader who never cut back on welfare-state spending and propel herself to a glorious comeback in 2019, becoming the country’s populist icon of the 21st century, overshadowing Evita Perón.
But the economic clock is ticking. If Ms. Kirchner manages to sustain the bloated state spending two more years, she’ll secure the glory — and let the one who replaces her worry about paying the bills.
Monday, October 21, 2013
A Rosario !
Mañana empieza un seminario de tres dias en la Facultad Libre de Rosario.
Parásitos, parodias, monstruos y exploraciones al alto Pacú, el matambrito de cerdo de río, manjar rosarino muy selecto en sus apetitos.
Parásitos, parodias, monstruos y exploraciones al alto Pacú, el matambrito de cerdo de río, manjar rosarino muy selecto en sus apetitos.
Friday, September 20, 2013
En Cornell
II VOICES FOR THE NEW CENTURY CONFERENCE
A
celebration of Latin American, Latino, and Spanish writing
A.D. White
House, 20-21 September, 2013
SPONSORED
BY THE ROMANCE STUDIES DEPARTMENT, THE DEANS’ OFFICE OF ARTS & SCIENCES,
THE LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES PROGRAM, THE SOCIETY FOR THE HUMANITIES, THE LATINO
STUDIES PROGRAM, THE ALICE COOK HOUSE, AND TELLURIDE HOUSE
FRIDAY,
September 20
3:00 Opening
remarks: Edmundo Paz-Soldán
3:15 Across
Genres
Chair: Bécquer Medak-Seguín
Rafael
Acosta: “Allá lejos se oye un ruido”
Christina
Soto: “Mapa blanco”
Pablo
Brescia: “Para llegar a D. F. W.”
Fernanda
Trías: “Bienes muebles”
Francisco Díaz Klaassen: “El campeón de
damas estilo libre”
5:15 Keynote
Speaker
Cristina
Rivera Garza: “Desapropiadamente: Escribir en comunalidad hoy”
SATURDAY, September 21
9:00 Breakfast
9:30 Works
in progress
Chair: Geraldine Monterroso
Gustavo
Llarull: “Fuga”
Martina
Broner: “Fuego”
Mercedes
Cebrián: “El Genuino Sabor”
10:45 Between
Poetry and the Lyrical Essay
Chair: Pablo García Piñar
Mandy
Gutmann-González: “Turn”
Ana
Merino: “Extinción de las sirenas”
Melissa
Castillo-Garsow: “From the Xochitl fields”
Janet
Hendrickson: “Selecciones (traducidas) del Tesoro de la lengua castellana de
Covarrubias”
12:30 Lunch
1:30 The
Short Story Today
Chair: José Andrés Rojo
María
José Navia: “París por la ventana”
Rodrigo
Hasbún: “Tanta agua tan lejos de casa”
Sebastián
Antezana: “Proteo, cazador”
Rodrigo Fuentes: “La mano de Fátima”
3:15 Across
Genres II
Chair: Dafna Hornik
Liliana
Colanzi: “Alfredito”
Antonio
Díaz Oliva: “¿Sueñan los escritores latinoamericanos con libros digitales?”
Rafael
Lemus: “Efrén”
Pola
Oloixarac: “Expedición Langsdorff”
5:00 Keynote
Address
Mario
Bellatin: “El libro fantasma”
5:45 Closing
Remarks

Saturday, August 17, 2013
Omnia Caro Tenebrarum
por Pola Oloixarac
acerca de STOA, Luciana Rondolini & Diana Drake en MiauMiau
The living and the dead at his command,
Were coupled, face to face, and hand in hand
Virgil, The Aeneid, VIII 483-88
Were coupled, face to face, and hand in hand
Virgil, The Aeneid, VIII 483-88
En cuevas de rocas como éstas, Cicerón reporta (Aristóteles constata) la metafísica oscura de los piratas etruscos. Sus dominios se extendían por el Mar Tirreno a los bajos de la Gallia Cisalpina hasta Alalia y el Latium, antes de la coalición de Cartago; comenta Herodoto que sus barcos blandían enormes arañas de oro o pulpos gigantes como emblemas. Ataban los barcos en formaciones rocosas de alumbre, resquicios de fondo marino elevado a la superficie de los hombres; bajaban con sus sogas a las grutas devenidas tumbas.
(Estas grutas no son ajenas a la atracción por los seres humanos. No son indiferentes a lo orgánico. Es la voz de la tundra, recubrir a los seres de sus excrecencias, sin distinguir proveniencia alguna. La cueva imita los insectos que se adentran en expediciones íntimas, en formaciones de cristal que parasitan.)
Comandados por su rey Mezentius, los piratas etruscos extendían las sogas y disponían al condenado vivo vis-à-vis el cuerpo de un muerto. Se los ataba de modo tal que brazos, piernas y ojos coincidieran en todo detalle, las bocas rozándose; la muerte del cadáver se inoculaba al vivo a través de un proceso misterioso que fascinaba a los etruscos porque en él veían la transmutación explosiva de la paleta cromática, los enrojecimientos y amarillos perseguidos por tonos negros, la red venosa dibujándose; una mancha verde en el abdomen, que se expandía en hinchazones, los pactos de lo duro y lo blando deshaciéndose, el negro vencedor devorándolo todo.
La tiniebla se acelera sobre el cuerpo del vivo, a quien los etruscos no dejan de alimentar para no interferir con las fases sagradas de la comunión pictórica entre vivos y muertos. Eventualmente, los gusanos precursores se abren paso uniendo ambos cuerpos a través de la zona abdominal, preñada de seres diminutos; cuando el negro pinta ambos cuerpos, dejan de llevarle comida.
Pioneros experimentales de la vanitas, los etruscos meditaban sobre la naturaleza terrenal a través de sus obras. En sus Confesiones, San Agustín se despega del horror que entumece las plumas de los cronistas previos y comenta filosóficamente que es la naturaleza del humano estar atado a un cuerpo que se pudre. Teóricos y agentes de la imagen-movimiento inexorable, el mapa de los etruscos se funde hasta desaparecer en el mapa de Roma.
Till chok’d with stench, in loath’d embraces tied,The ling’ring wretches pin’d away and died.
Es probable que el sufrimiento moral y estético fuera el verdaderamente intolerable –que la metafísica implacable del método los matara de horror. Las instalaciones de vanitas etruscas en las cuevas no descartan esta posibilidad: el vivo enfrentado a su espejo, observando de cerca su nuevo rostro como habitante del ultramundo. Adoradores de la simetría en las gemas (su gusto por pulpos y arañas, seres donde la simetría cabalga entre dos mundos, el de la forma radial de los organismos inferiores y la bilateral hacia la que tendió el humano), los etruscos sembraban estos monstruos bifurcos en la piel interior de la gruta. Creaban seres nuevos con ocho extremidades, y poblaban la cueva.
Virgilio comenta su novedad (tormenti genus); la técnica elidía las pasiones bajas del torturador y traía la innovación de la muerte por contagio, horizontal, contigua. El ἀγών (la lucha humana, trivial) se transforma en “agonía”: la contienda entre dos se introyecta a uno solo, el condenado devorado por la muerte que le viene desde adentro, que tiene delante y enfrenta.
Estoicas, las rocas de la cueva observan impasibles la decoloración de las fases de las nuevas criaturas, las declinaciones de la vida alumbrándose y descomponiéndose. Los filósofos de la Stoa, que soñaron con imitar la roca, habían aceptado que el saber implicaba desterrar los éxtasis del ἀγών y volverse una forma de la prosa –el lugar del hombre en la frase del mundo. La muerte por la muerte misma –sin la mediación de un verdugo.
La cueva, la soga y un espectador vigilante, el que trae el alimento.
Quid memorem infandas caedes, quid facta tyranni effera?
Di capiti ipsius generique reservent!
Mortua quin etiam iungebat corpora vivis
componens manibusque manus atque oribus ora,
tormenti genus, et sanie taboque fluentis
complexu in misero longa sic morte necabat.
Publi Vergili Maronis, Aeneidos
Di capiti ipsius generique reservent!
Mortua quin etiam iungebat corpora vivis
componens manibusque manus atque oribus ora,
tormenti genus, et sanie taboque fluentis
complexu in misero longa sic morte necabat.
Publi Vergili Maronis, Aeneidos
* *
Stoa. Luciana Rondolini-Diana Drake en miau miau. Bulnes 2705. Hasta el 27 de agosto.Agradecimientos: Esteban Bieda, Gabriel Catrén y las artistas.
* *
english version -> Buenos Aires Review
english version -> Buenos Aires Review
Friday, June 21, 2013
Ce soir!
Thursday, June 13, 2013
Finland, Soccer, Literature and Sauna
flying to helsinki tomorrow, for the Lahti International Writers Reunion 2013
below the plans:
THE REUNION PROGRAMME
The
Reunion lasts three days, each containing panel debates and discussions headed
by the chairpersons Mrs Virpi Hämeen-Anttila and Mr Joni Pyysalo. All discussions are interpreted into English,
French, and Finnish. Some of the participants have been asked to prepare
short presentations, on which the discussions are then focused. The discussions
are otherwise open. And as is usually the case, eventually the most interesting
and heated exchanges of ideas happen during free time, in the sauna or over
dinner.
All
debates, discussions and poetry evenings are open to the public free of charge.
Sunday June 16th
8.00–10.00 Breakfast
10.00–12.30 Opening of the Reunion; Discussion session
1
Presentations: Goce
Smilevski (Macedonia), Hava Pinhas-Cohen (Israel), Tommi Melender (Finland)
12.30–14.00 Lunch
14.00–17.00 Session 2
Presentations:
Farid Benyoucef (Algeria), Johanna Venho (Finland), Anna Szabó (Hungary)
17.00–19.30 Dinner, free time
19.30–23.00 Open microphone
Monday June 17th
8.00-10.00 Breakfast
10.00–12.30 Session 3
10.00–12.30 Session 3
Presentations:
Ville Ranta (Finland), Davide Enia (Italy), Pola Oloixarac (Argentina)
12.30–14.00 Lunch
14.00–17.00 Session 4
14.00–17.00 Session 4
Presentations:
Abilio Estevez (Cuba/Spain), Eeva-Kaarina Aronen (Finland), Martin Page
(France)
17.00 Dinner
18.30 Bus from Messilä to
Sibelius Hall
19.00–21.30 International poetry evening
21.30 Bus from
Sibelius Hall to Messilä
23.30 Soccer match: Finland vs. The Rest of the World
00.30 Sauna for the footballers
23.30 Soccer match: Finland vs. The Rest of the World
00.30 Sauna for the footballers
Tuesday June 18th
8.00–10.00 Breakfast
10.00–12.30 Session 5
10.00–12.30 Session 5
Presentations:
Kader Abdolah (Iran/Netherlands), Kārlis Vērdiņš (Latvia), Heikki
Aittokoski (Finland)
12.30–14.00 Lunch
14.00–17.00 Closing panel
17.00–19.00 Free time
19.00 Farewell party
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